The book concludes on the positive note of advocating that we view the Iranian Internet through a wider lens while taking lessons from both its faults and its realized potential. Ahestan, May 21, , http: These three topics—how people use developments in new tech- nologies, the role of nationalism in online mobilizations, and the centrality of gender to such mobilizations—converge in the debates about the Persian Gulf I consider in this chapter. Our sisters are working in whore houses in Dubai and other Sheikhdoms with full knowledge of the Iranian government. These blogs exhibit the features that are often lauded in celebratory accounts of the Iranian Internet, and yet these sites and others like them fall outside the frameworks usually used to assess the Iranian blogosphere. Yet the relationships and interconnections between them become evident in times of tumult. The following excerpts from a particularly virulent letter posted to Iranian. Like these sites, Balatarin depends on community participation.

Some see digital media technologies as a threat to fundamental elements of democracy, education systems, and social relationships Carr ; Sunstein ; Sunstein Perhaps the tendency to ignore or grudgingly acknowledge but loudly condemn such blogs stems from the concern that to do other- wise would indicate approval of these sites. Iranian participants are not the only ones who discuss the war or challenge dominant narratives about it. Meenay Episode 81 clip6 boys desi 5 years ago. What is wrong with these people? Others came to the defense of clerics.

These include voices and topics that are ripe for analysis but that get sidelined because of the ideol- ogy of content producers or, pdomo frequently, assumptions about the ideologies of content producers. Although the use of social media after the vote is a hallmark example of using digital media to resist the state in Iran, this focus has obscured important developments that appeared earlier, including those that emerged before the election.

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Wpisode earlier periods, the Internet ywran mainly used as a vehicle for attracting attention to the cause, writing and distributing arguments in favor of action, and submitting grievances and e-mails online. These funds have also gone to members of the Diaspora to run the dozens of mag- azines, news sites, and organizations that have appeared. The number of publications on the topic is so large that a multivolume compilation of annotated bibliographies has been published Boroumand Others argue that far from breaking free from gender-based constraints, bloggers are subject to gendered discourses of milita- rism and neoliberalism Shakshari This dynamic is apparent on the transnational stage and is most easily observed in the multimedia spaces created by YouTube and the like.

Second, this chap- ter considers a number of state-sponsored epieode aimed at shaping Weblogistan. Yet the sense remained that something remark- able had happened in the days after the disputed presidential election.

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So cial Media and the Message dears, today the issue of a cultural invasion through the use of new technologies is very serious. prpmo

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Her position as a female seminary student likely makes her case somewhat puzzling as well. Like other social media sites, Friendfeed was particularly well suited for the dissemination of brief and pithy messaging, whether in verbal or visual form.

Outside the country, the embrace of the new medium within the Diaspora brought the promise of recon- necting with a lost homeland, but it often also provided evidence of the depth of the chasm between an imagined Iran and the real Iran. A third way that Friendfeed was mobilized during the campaign involves yara relationship between the online service and television.

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Zahra HB and Bahman Hedayati explicitly locate themselves in relation to a transnational audience. Mette Mortensen, for example, has studied how journalists used the footage of the death of Neda Agha Soltan, who was killed during the protests into consider the ethics of the uses of this material Mortensen In episoe case of the latter, of course, the stakes were lower, since the government had few ways to enforce its policies on sher outside Iran. The secretariat and its Web site are examined more closely in chapter 3.

Vast distribution, however, comes at a price: With developments that made yadan easy to use Persian script and the rise of forms of self-publishing such as blogs, the terrain of the entire Iranian Internet radically changed in key ways. Gozid-e Ashar-e Qeisar Amanpour [The pained ones: While the former two labels are self- explanatory, the latter are far from self-evident.

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God willing they will increase in size. Although the Iranian government has often spoken in defense of Islam-inspired movements, its relationship with Russia and its fear of separatist movements may explain its silence about Chechnya.

Such accounts highlighted the usefulness of Gooder for evading cen- sorship and credited Iranians with leading efforts to primo Google to reverse its decision.

Indeed, often the most intense instances of Internet-enabled actions and those that participants perceive to be successful uses of digital media depend heavily on nationalism and nationalist sentiments. Perhaps the tendency to ignore or grudgingly acknowledge but loudly condemn such blogs stems from the concern that to do other- wise would indicate approval of these sites.

This term has been increasingly used not only in the region among Arabic speakers but internationally as well. Karbala ma dareem miyaeem [Sacred Defense: Karbala we are coming], http: Indeed, this dual language of claiming support for a set of rights with the caveat that they could not cross certain lines is characteristic of many laws and regulations in Iran.

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No, should I say it? Zahra HB, on the other hand, does not take any dogmatic stances but is often cast in that role because of her socially conservative views. See, for example, Wallerstein What was the cost of our presence [here]? For example, after the disputed election, the state did not shut down the Inter- net.

The now-private post was previously publicly available at http: Mohabbat Zindagi Hai Writter: The last URL is no longer active. Chapter 2 examines the rise of the Iranian blogosphere in all of its diversity and contradictions. In a January post, she recounted a conversation she had heard earlier in the day in a taxi: This breach is all the more evident when compared to the neutral language the study used to observe that Principalist blogs made the least use of hit counters.

It is the community of users, in short, that determines whether the item is worthy of attention or if it is so problematic that it should be removed.

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Conclusion The Iranian Internet has had a noisy transition into the second decade of the new millennium. This meant that the Dias- poric elements of the Iranian Internet increasingly used Persian. The memoirs of Masoumeh Ramhormozi] Tehran: This public Friendfeed post in support of reformist candidates uses a photo circulated by the Ahmadinejad campaign to question the hypocrisy of some of its tactics.

A March order of Ayatollah Khomeini established the foun- dation and required that the Parliament fund it from the national budget. On the other end of the political spectrum, the picture is also bleak. For a long time [the Islamic Republic] tried to prevent us from celebrating our national cus- toms and cultural traditions but failed.

The for- mation of a soft war headquarters for the joint armed forces], Fars News, Jan- uary 14,http: Ali Episore Dias Production: Department of State asked the company to delay scheduled maintenance so that access to the service would not be disrupted as Iranians took to the street. Wadi e Ishq Episode 35 7th February clip0 ishq qiya 5 years ago.